Zachary Basso: Police

Effectiveness of Police in Nairobi, Kenya, by Zachary Basso

Violence and crime is a major dilemma in Africa’s country of Kenya, and
has been for decades. In specific cities, violence has spiraled out of
control. Kenya’s population in 2010 was 36,287,423 (Van Der Heyden,).
Currently law enforcement in some of these cities is insufficient, in
comparison to the number of people. Establishment of order is arduous for
the police, in cities so densely populated. The crime-ridden city of
Nairobi in Kenya is home to one of Africa’s most violent urban cultures,
and 3,240,155 citizens.( Van Der Heyden,). Can police in Nairobi be
trusted to protect its people, and prevent crime and violence effectively?
What obstacles do they face in trying to do this?

These loaded questions have tremendous importance, both to inhabitants of
Africa and human beings around the world, because of the horrifying things
that go on in Nairobi. Countless lives are taken every day, and crime
plagues Nairobi like a virus plagues the body. Police in any city are
essential for safety to its people and the people’s confidence in that
police force is of paramount importance. According to the Kenyan police
website, their “Mission” is “To reduce crime and promote development by
providing high quality police service through: Upholding and applying the
law fairly, and firmly, and creating/ maintaining community soldiers
through corporations with police and local leaders” (“Our Mission”).
Although this is their “Mission”, the citizens’ impression of police in
Nairobi is filled with wariness and doubt. The citizens’ distrust doesn’t
happen for no reason; if they could trust police, they would.

The prevalence of violence and crime are in Nairobi leave the citizenry
constantly on edge. A New York Times article on Nairobi said, “More than
one third of Nairobi’s residences were robbed with a threat of force over
the last year, and half of those who live in the sprawling city hear
gunfire, the study says” (Lacey). With danger of this caliber, there’s an
obvious need for police presence, which is grossly inadequate. Despite
their need for protection, most of Nairobi’s citizens do not trust the
police. During a survey of 8621 Nairobi citizens, “98% say the police are
corrupt” (Lacey). With all of the chaos and turmoil going on within the
city, and no trustworthy police to confide in, there is a vacuum in the
demand for protection.

Considering the high level of danger, and the heavy distrust in police, it
becomes the citizen’s job to find resolutions for themselves, which
includes militias, gangs, mobs, and vigilantes. Police support some
vigilante groups, and militias, but just like the police they are not
trustworthy and are sometimes are equally corrupt. Mobs and gangs at least
are more akin to the citizens’ feelings and give the illusion of being
more worthy of trust. This encourages this form of protection, rather
than that of police. Nairobi’s people trusting some of these groups who
participate in crime themselves, over its police force, underscores the
people’s distrust in traditional law enforcement.

The underlying theme in the protection dilemma is corruption. Corruption
flows from the top of the Kenyan government. “The activity of militias,
vigilantes, and gangs supported by leading politicians playing a game of
divide and rule as they vie for political supremacy makes this all the
more worrying” (Daniels). These gangs political ties allow them to lobby
for elected officials, and to have funding for their group. During my
research it was unclear as to how these groups are recruited, and when
recruited how are they compensated. One can assume they are approached and
bribed to vie for that politician’s position. These groups may provide
some safety for citizens, but there is obviously more than one group.
Because each group has a different cause, or a different political backing
there are clashes between them. “Inter-gang fighting and clashes have
occurred in Nairobi, fighting in 2006 between Mungiki and an ethnic Luo
gang called Taliban caused several deaths, displacing at least 9,000 in a
dispute over control of a lucrative illicit brew market in Mathare”
(Daniels). Kenyan security services hire some groups of vigilantes in the
city to assist police. Despite this, some of the mobs such as the Mungiki
are too powerful, and have too much political influence to eradicate.
“Professor Philip Alston published a report calling for the sacking of
Police Commissioner, Major General Hussein Ali, and the resignation of
Attorney General, Amos Wako. Detailing his findings on extrajudicial
killings in Kenya, Alston accused the Police Commissioner, the Attorney
General and the judiciary of perpetrating, aiding and abetting impunity”
(Daniels).

In the end, corruption of police and government in Nairobi prevents both
the local police force and its vigilante counterpart groups from having
any legitimate effect on crime. This happens because of a lack of trust in
police by citizens, and police not having the means to apprehend crime and
violence. “Law enforcement and the criminal justice institutions are
largely unable to cope with the level of criminal activities due to lack
of equipment and poor training, which contribute to the perception of them
being considered unprofessional and incapable of stemming the tide of
criminal activities in the city” (“Nairobi: Crime and the City”). Between
the police supported groups, and the mobs and gangs, there is constant
clashing. With all of this conflicting power, citizens are thrown into the
danger, when they were looking for protection in the first place. Further
government influence is needed to make Nairobi law enforcement more
effective. With different political groups supporting different gangs,
militias, or ideas, there is a sort of civil war going on.

Nairobi’s constant violence and fighting reminds me of how fortunate I am,
to live in America. Most Americans, me included, cannot understand the
level of danger in Nairobi faced by everyday person. Being worried about
protection in my community is something I have never experienced.
Unfortunately citizens of Nairobi have to deal with this, which makes me
appreciate my life more, and I hope others would feel the same. After my
research, I have concluded that police don’t have a positive effect on
Nairobi’s citizens, or its crime and violence. This is a result of the
many obstacles police face in trying to achieve order. These include
corruption in government, insufficient numbers of police, gang, and mob
activity, the overwhelming amount of crime and ruthless violence. With
gang’s fighting rival gangs, and mob’s fighting rival mobs, the police
almost add to the chaos, by adding another group in the fight. Instead of
stopping the problem, they exacerbate it further. Hopefully future
government leaders will instill a form of trust in people regarding
police, and can stop the corruption and, eventually, the violence.




Work Cited:

1.) Daniels, Nicholas “Militias, Gangs, and Vigilantes in Kenya: “The
Consequences of Abandoning the Reform Agenda.” Opendemocracy.net Web. 21
Sept. 2011. http://www.unhabitat.org
2.) Marc Lacey “U.N. Study says Nairobi is Inundated with crime”-N.Y.
Times newspaper, Published: Nov 29, 2001.
3.) “Nairobi: Crime and the City.” Un-habitat.:. Home. United Nations.
Web. Sept. 2011. http://www.unhabitat.org
4.) “Our Mission”, “Welcome to the Kenya Police Website. Web. 21 Sept.
2011. http://www.kenyapolice.go.ke>
5.) Tibaijuka, Anna. “Crime in Nairobi”, Web. 21 Sept 2011
http://www.opendemocracy.net
6.) Van Der Heyden, Johan. “Kenya.” Geohive- Population Statistics. Johan
Van Der Heyden, 2000. Web 21 Sept 2011 http://www.geohive.com

**KENYAN POLITICS

Conor O'Brien: Tribalism: The plague on Kenyan unity

Tribalism: The Plague on Kenyan Unity by Conor O’Brien

What role has tribalism played in influencing Kenya’s development as a country? Tribalism is one of the largest influences in Kenya; it is a unique force in Africa as people often feel stronger ties to their ethnic group than to their nation as a whole. Understanding tribalism leads to understanding the people who inhabit Kenya, especially their lives and interactions. Tribalism is also one of the main contributing factors to ethnic violence, so to understand ethnic violence one must understand tribalism. Learning about tribalism enables understanding of the influence it plays in culture, politics, and ethnic strife in Africa as a whole.

Merriam-Webster defines tribalism as “tribal consciousness and loyalty; especially : exaltation of the tribe above other groups.” This means people are tied to their tribe above all else. Tribes are unique cultural groups which have their own languages, customs, and traditions completely separate to those around them.
These strong ties to cultural heritage were acceptable before Europeans arrived. People lived on their ancestral lands and continued a traditional life; however once the colonial era began this changed. “It was not until the colonial era began in earnest, a century ago [1888], that tribes were brought together in plantation labor, in city life, and in a state where all were suddenly recognized as Sudanese or Nigerians or Cameroonians” ( qtd in Kavulla). The change for Africans was rapid, and there was no chance to adjust to the new style of life: suddenly they were thrown into close proximity with other tribes who had completely dissimilar cultures. After centuries of a traditional tribal existence suddenly people were members of nations.

Then the process of condensing Africans into modern cities began. These cities were created by European imperialists to control their interests. With this process, underway Africans had no chance to assimilate so they stuck to their tribal heritage and continued with traditions, but now they were surrounded by other tribal groups in close proximity. This problem was compounded when the imperialist powers began to stake their claims across the continent.

Africa was divvied up by the colonial powers at the Berlin Conference of 1884 with complete disregard for tribal lands. Ridiculous borders were imposed all across Africa, completely negating the complex relations of the innumerable tribes on the continent. Borders cut across homogenous ethnic groups dividing the tribes into two separate countries, also encasing quarreling tribes or past enemies into the same unitary state (“Carving Up Africa” 12). This complete disregard for the influence of tribalism while creating borders which still exist today has directly led to more bloodshed than will ever be known.

Today the influence of the past is still felt in Kenya where people still are divided by the influence of tribalism creating a plethora of political and cultural issues which has led to a long history of ethnic strife. The population of Kenya broken up by ethnicity is Kikuyu 22%, Luhya 14%, Luo 13%, Kalenjin 12%, Kamba 11%, Kisii 6%, Meru 6%, other African 15%, non-African (Asian, European, and Arab) 1% (CIA World Fact Book). The general attitude of people in Kenya towards other tribes is that of bigotry and racism. Oluoch exemplifies this in It Happened on the Way to War by stating general stereotypes and practices of each group. For instance The Kikuyu only care about money and can’t be trusted, Nubians are lazy for they maintain their existence through renting the land in Kibera to others, and the Luo his own cultural group are smart and stuborn (Barcott 50).

Another example Barcott gives which supports this is the story of how Salim was treated at his grandmother’s funeral for being Muslim. Despite the fact he was born Kikuyu his family members tried to bar him from wearing a white patch and spreading soil on her grave both traditions reserved for family members (Barcott 159). This general acceptance of bigotry in society shows how even in more modern African countries, like Kenya, people are completely segregated due to the influence of tribalism. Even in cities like Nairobi people prefer to interact exclusively with their tribal members Travis Kavulla talks about how his taxi driver a Kikuyu will do small interactions with a member of another tribe, but he would never socialize, do a major trade, employ, or let one of his kin marry one (Kavulla). Despite over fifty years of independence from Brittan tribalism still divides Kenya as a whole people are still segregated by tribal lines in society. There is no sense of nationalism or unity: the only thing members of a tribe are concerned about is their tribe’s interests. This leads to large divides and the misrepresentation of the majority of Kenyans politically which often leads to ethnic clashes (Kavulla).

Since the implementation of democracy in Kenya with the election of Jomo Kenyatta (a Kikuyu) tribalism has been engrained in politics. Originally the Kenyan constitution stated that the central government would be a bicameral multi-party institution with regional governments called majimbos. However this was not long lived. In a grab for more power Kenyatta halted the flow of financial resources from the central government to the majimbos which led to the dissolution of regional governance and the creation of an all-powerful centralized imperial presidency with an absolute leader. Kenyatta continued political oppression. The limitation of democratic rights continued with the removal of political parties from the constitution making Kenyatta’s party the KANU the sole power holders (Kimundi 86-87).

In 1990 there were moves towards further democratization. Two former cabinet ministers Kenneth Matiba and Charles Rubia (both Kikuyu) called for dissolution of parliament, a referendum on the country’s future, and a public rally at the Kamukunji grounds on July 7th, 1990. They were arrested three days before the rally, but the people weren’t deterred:

“The ruling KANU elite mobilized youth wingers to reinforce the riot police in dispersing a defiant crowd that attempted to gather at the Kamukunji grounds. More than twenty people were killed and 1,000 arrested. Next, hundreds were killed injured in riots that rocked Nairobi and spread to Kikuyu inhabited towns. These events led to the beginning of politically sponsored violence in Kenya, a violence drawn along ethnic/tribal lines (Kimundi 89).”

These events were not in vain though as the protests brought the situation in Kenya to the attention of the international community. In December 1991 Kenya returned to a multiparty democracy. The parties that were formed after this were not democratic in nature: instead of being formed on a platform of ideals they followed the same tribal lines as the government they were so opposed to.

President Daniel arap Moi responded to the democratization attempts by “pursuing a policy of state ‘informiliation’ characterized by looting Kenyan public funds, and by transforming some of Kenya’s gangs into ethnic militias as a means to hold onto power” (Kimundi 90). This, along with a long economic downturn, led to a period of gang violence and ethnic cleansing lasting from 1991-1998. In 1997 Daniel arap Moi and KANU won the election continuing his 24 years of despotic rule. Moi attempted to create a KANU refuge in his homeland The Rift Valley by routing out opposing ethnic groups notably the Kikuyu. The KANU militias that attacked the Rift Valley were directly responsible for the deaths of 1,500 and the displacement of 300,000 people marking the beginning of state-sponsored vigilante terror (Kimundi 90). The KANU then changed its policy of open violence to informal repression so as to not lose donors and ease international pressure. However the gang violence still continued in the background.

In the period leading up to the 2002 election a new coalition was formed The National Rainbow Coalition headed by Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga. The party was formed around the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) which stated that if elected Kibaki would hold the presidency while Odinga would have the strong position of prime minister (Kimundi 92). The MoU promised to deliver a new constitution within 100 days, run a corrupt free government, provide free education for children, respect civil liberties, maintain the laws of the constitution, guarantee every Kenyan security, and hold past perpetrators of injustice liable for their actions (Kimundi 92). In December 2002 40 years of KANU rule was ended the NARC won 60 percent of the vote Moi was ousted after 24 years and Kibaki was elected president (Kimundi 92).

Once Kibaki was, elected the only provisions of the MoU which were fulfilled were education and a free press environment. There was an attempt at amending the constitution but this failed when the Kenyan people voted it down (Kimundi 93). Without the creation of a prime minister and presidential position which shared powers, Odinga left and formed his own party, the ODM. During the five years when Kibaki reigned; little changed social tensions increased, along with political polarization, while democratic reversals continued, and tribalism dominated appointment in the public sector (Kimundi 93).
Finally the election of 2007 came around, and tensions were high. People were quite concerned with the outcome and possible backlash of ethnic violence. The two major parties were Kibaki with the PNU and Raila Odinga with the ODM. During the election of December 27, 2007 it was said that the tallying process was so flawed that it was impossible to tell who won the election (Kimundi 95). Despite this Kibaki had a justice swear him in as new president, and the people did not respond well.

As a result of this election, violence swept across Kenya a reported 1,220 people were killed, 900 acts of rape were reported, 3,561 injuries, and 350,000 people were displaced (Kimundi 95). There were reports of people being targeted for distinctive ethnic features and political affiliation. “Typically perpetrators attacked, killed, and displaced members of other ethnicities” ( qtd. In Kimundi 97). Checkpoints were setup in communities where people of other ethnicities were selected then hacked to death. Rape victims were told the reason they were being targeted was because of their political affiliation or ethnic ties. People in positions of power seem to be responsible for organizing the violence toward specific ethnic groups. Both political parties allegedly recruited gangs of youth and released them at strategic points to kill and destroy property belonging to communities aligned with rival parties (Kimundi 98).

This period of violence above all else exemplifies the role tribalism plays in inciting ethnic violence. Perhaps one of the most disappointing things after looking at the violence is that very few politicians were ever convicted of the crimes which they were linked to and violence they incited.

From this violence came progress: a new constitution was finally pushed through on August 4th, 2010. The reforms limit presidential power, reestablish local governments, and guarantee Kenyans a bill of rights. All of these are steps in the right direction in limiting the influence tribalism has on the government, or in the very least guaranteeing more equal representation (Gettleman). Progress is being made in the Kibera slums of Nairobi as well with CFK launching a youth soccer league which aims to stop the next generation of Kenyans from drawing tribal lines in their lives. All of the teams in CFK’s league are multi-ethnic, an attempt at socializing children with members of other tribes. Through this the cycle of bigotry, hatred, and violence that makes tribalism continue is limited in the next generation (Barcott).

Tribalism is a terrible force it leads to so much destruction and disunity among different cultures. The lines drawn in society by tribalism create constant tensions which often erupt into violent conflicts. If governments were organized in a way in which tribes were represented equally it would eliminate unnecessary bloodshed and create national unity which in turn would lead to less tribal affiliation. Kenya is finally taking steps in the right direction by trying to limit the influence of tribes in politics after the atrocity that followed the 2007 election. With new reforms Kenya is looking towards a brighter more democratic future.

References

Barcott, Rye. It Happened on the Way to War: a Marine's Path to Peace. New York: Bloomsbury USA, 2011. Print.
"CARVING UP AFRICA...125 Years of the Berlin Conference." New African 492 (2010): 10-13. Academic Search Complete. Web. 18 Sept. 2011. .
Gettleman, Jeffrey. "Kenyans Approve New Constitution." New York Times 6 Aug. 2010: A7. Print.

Kavulla, Travis. "A good plan in Africa: facing the realities of tribalism." National Review 20 Apr. 2009: 25. Gale Opposing Viewpoints In Context. Web. 11 Sep. 2011.

Kimundi, Elizabeth. "POST-ELECTION CRISIS IN KENYA AND THE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT'S DEVELOPMENT AS A LEGITIMATE INSTITUTION." Eyes on the ICC 7.1 (2010): 85-114. Academic Search Complete. Web. 11 Sept. 2011.

"Kenya." CIA World Fact Book. CIA. Web. 18 Sept. 2011. .

"Tribalism." Merriam-Webster. Web. 18 Sept. 2011. .

Nia Owens: Kenya's Demise

Kenya’s Demise by Nia Owens

Many years ago, specifically the twentieth century (1978-2000), Kenya’s people suffered with many problems. While reading “It Happened On The Way To The War” a lot of questions arose about why a lot of things are the way they are in Kibera, Kenya’s largest slum. One main question that had arisen was about the government. Therefore I asked, what is the political structure, are there elections and do the people have a voice? It seemed that if a country has many problems then the government, specifically the president, takes a great deal of the blame. If the country doesn’t have a steady government that usually explains why the country is the way it is. Understanding Kenya’s politics would explain in greater depth the mystery of how Kenya worsened so much by the year 2000.

According to Alan Rake and Michael Jennings in Regional Surveys to the world, Kenya’s political structure is in fact a democracy. The democracy was executed very well when Jomo Kenyatta was running the country. Jomo Kenyatta’s leadership is what grew Kenya to such maturity said Patricia Hauga. However in middle August 1978 well respected Jomo Kenyatta died. October 1978 was when Daniel arap Moi was sworn in. However when Moi was sworn into presidency there wasn’t an election with voting by the people. He was sworn in to serve the remaining year of deceased Kenyatta’s term and for another five-year term afterward. Though Moi had pledged to continue Kenyatta’s Polices, it was shortly after the swearing in when Kenya begin to change in 1980. The year of 1981 was when Kenya began to see problems, both, economically politically and socially. Though Kenya begins to see problems as early as 1981, it wasn’t recognized as much yet. Early 1987 were when noticeable worldwide criticism of Moi’s Government greatly increased and allegations about human rights abuse developed in Kenya.

While Daniel arap Moi had received much criticism he was returned unopposed for a third term due to an election March 1988 (Africa South of the Sahara 2005 34th Edition). In 1998 Moi begin to officially change the rules of the democratic political structure and made it less free and more oppressive. Gray Phombeah stated, “He has been described as a master tactician: shrewd, manipulative and always one step ahead of his opponents” (Phombeah) Moi used unfair policies to stay president so the people never fairly elected him as their president.

In the year 2000, the country significantly worsened. The New York Times reported, “In a nation of 27 million, at least 5 percent of the country’s people live as squatters. The employment rate is about 45 percent.” At the same time “Kenya parliament accuse[d] several people, many with close ties to Pres Daniel arap Moi, of corruption that has cost nation hundred, of millions of dollars” (Fisher “Battle”). Moi’s affiliation with them quickly got him associated with the corruption, which gave him a bad representation. He also got blamed for a great deal of other things. People “Blame[d] efforts of Pres Daniel arap Moi to preserve his one-man rule; hold his government strangled vibrant economy and fomented ethnic violence”. He destroyed an “economy that was vibrantly alive” which cause violence “where there was none”. (Harden).

In 2000 Kenya’s long-lasting problems were at a crisis and the president of 22 years refused to take responsibility for any of it. The economy was so bad as result of the corruption and horrible management; and an estimation of two million people might face serious starvation. And Moi’s response to everything is “he cannot control” it (Fisher. “Brownouts”). He himself has said “Kenya – once among the most stable and prosperous nations in Africa – is “facing its worst-ever crisis”. In BBC article, economist and columnist, Robert Shaw stated, “In the last 15 years, Kenyans have become poorer and poorer”. There “average income is some $1 a day” and because there was such a high unemployment rate crime was on the rise – “armed robbery and carjacking”. Moi was one to promise more than he can show (Phombeah).

Kenya’s political structure played a huge part in all the problems in Kenya. To quote Ian Fisher, “People accuse the country’s leadership of destroying the country”. The Kenyans felt the government should take majority blame of all problems because they were leadership. President Daniel arap Moi did get most of the blame and his nonchalant irresponsible ways just added fuel to the fire. Nevertheless, he didn’t care to better it or search for a solution; instead he just said he couldn’t control what happen. The people of Kenya on the other hand did point out that

“He has kept the country united, ended powerful Kikuyu domination of Kenya’s politics and business, and put in place a multi-party system. But, at the end of his presidency, his critics say Mr. Moi leaves his country burdened with economic mismanagement, corruption, political repression and continuing ethnic tensions.”(Phombeah)

Despite some good highlights during his presidency, Kenyans still felt, Moi was to blame for the entire downfall in their country due to the bad out weighing the good he did bring for the country. He brought Kenyans to a horrible economic situation, violence, starvation, crimes, and countless more issues. Moi was finally replaced in 2002 then democracy continued.

References

Fisher, Ian “Battle for Land in Kenya Has Deep, Bitter Roots.” New York Times May 2000: 6. Newspaper Source Plus. ESBCO. Web. 15 Sept. 2011

Fisher, Ian. “Brownouts in Kenya Highlights Its Chaos and Misrule.” New York Times 25 June 2000. Newspaper Source Plus. EBSCO. Web. 15 Sept. 2011

Harden, Blaine. “The Last Safari.” The New York Times Magazine 4 June 2000: 66(E). Academic OneFile. Web. 15 Sep. 2011

Phombeah, Gray. “Moi’s legacy to Kenya.” BBC NEWS World Edition 5 August 2002

Rake, Alan. Jennings, Michael. “Regional Surveys to the World”

Rachel Ramprasad: During Daniel Moi's Presidency in Kenya

DURING DANIEL MOI’S PRESIDENCY IN KENYA
BY RACHEL RAMPRASAD

The memoir It Happened on the Way to War states that Kibera is the largest slum in Africa. The author Rye Barcott creates an awareness of the horrendous living situation the citizens of Kibera have to live with. Ethnic violence, poor economy, and unsanitary living conditions are the largest problems in the slum. Kenya is a country of democracy, so shouldn’t an elected president be helping his people? As a president, it is on his shoulders that Kibera improve, not get worse. It is his job to make the environment livable for his people. President Daniel arap Moi – could he and did he help to stimulate economic growth and living conditions in Kibera?

President Moi could in fact stimulate economic growth in Kibera, he did try to until his last term, when he decided to retire (“KENYA: Focus on Clashes”). During his last term, he passed a law so that landlords in Kibera must lower their rent (“KENYA: Focus on Clashes”). This could have been one decent thing he has done his 20 year rule because by lowering the rent the people now have more money in their pockets to put elsewhere into the economy. Now at least many citizens could afford to have a roof over their heads. However, this caused a feud between landlords and tenants, and 3,000 tenants were displaced from homes. Many houses were destroyed and many became homeless (‘KENYA: Focus on Clashes”). Policemen also “raided homes and shops and stole money and property” (“KENYA: Focus on Clashes”). So, instead of the law helping the citizens and the economy, it created havoc, and further destroyed the economy by destroying shops and consumer goods.

Some may say he tried to help the citizens and the economy with lower rent, and it was the citizens that didn’t want to cooperate, but I say he was the one that caused the citizens to turn that way, and caused the economy to plummet to begin with. During President “Jomo Kenyatta’s presidency Kenya became one of the most stable and prosperous countries in Africa” (Crawfurd). When Moi took over, he created “Pro-government troublemakers”, and human rights abuses escalated (Närman). Not only that, but Kibera, a once prosperous place people went for job seeking, is now the biggest slum. The chaos could have been the President’s intention all along, not helping the Kenyans. Some believe it may possibly have been his intentions because when Ethnic clashes broke out in Kibera, the “Government stayed passive”. “Some feared that Moi would like to see chaos break out in Kenya after he gives up presidency” (Crawfurd).

Chaos did break out in Kenya. Moi is one of the people that caused different ethnic groups to hate and start fighting each other to this extent to begin with. He and his party thought that by having tribal wars, he will win the election because by having different tribes go against each other and fight, they will turn into rivals, and have no choice but to vote for him and his party (KANU). He was right because he won. The tribes preferred a national party (KANU) to win instead of a rival tribal group. Since every tribal group hated the other tribal groups, they lost votes, causing the national party to win. (See Conor O’Brien’s essay on our course blog for more on how he used different ethnic groups to win elections.) Moi has been playing with ethnic groups from the beginning to get what he wanted, so hurting them because of the rent war was only the icing on cake.

Not only did he use violence between ethnic groups to stay in office, but he cheated the voting system. Moi “use an intricate ethnic balance to ensure he had a majority behind him in parliament” (Närman). He cheated the system so that only those from different ethnic groups favoring his side won the election. By controlling who got into parliament he had no opposition which allowed him to do as he pleased. (See Nia Owens’s essay, also on our course blog, on political structure for more on how President Moi cheated the system to win elections.)

So what was Moi doing in office other than corrupting the voting system, was Moi trying to stimulate economic growth? According to Phil Ponce, the chaos hurt Kenya’s tourist industry, and that further weakened the economy. No one wants to go to a country where violence is everywhere. Foreign investors didn’t have enough confidence in the stability of the country to want to invest (Ponce). As a president he decided to introduce an economic reform program, only the $220 million loan was suspended because he failed to tackle corruption (Ponce). Corruption he helped to create, I might add. At the time he was the second richest man in Africa, yet the place he governed was a slum. He bought votes, cheated the voting system, harassed or killed opposition members, uses the police and military to benefit himself, and caused ethnic clashes (Crawfurd). One would say Moi somewhat turned into a dictator in a supposedly democratic country (Närman). He then could do whatever he wants--decreased living conditions in Kibera, ruin the economy, and remain in parliament for 20 years.

To be fair, eventually when the UN and democratized countries came down on him, he agreed to political reform. He allowed Kenya to once again have opposition parties and have more access to the radio and television (Ponce). He also requested for international aid when Kenya was lashed with severe drought and famine (“Kenya” 2283). So maybe Kibera turning into a slum with thousands unable to purchase goods and medicine wasn’t completely his fault. The drought and famine contributed greatly to that. However, if he handled the chaos and did not add to it, his country would had more aid coming in from industrialized nations bettering his people.

Also, if he were not so corrupt his people might had clean water in a drought. The World Bank suspended the public-sector water projects because large scales of the funds were misused (“Kenya” 2283). This clearly shows how corrupt the government was. Nonetheless, to be fair, “the Government banned all forms of irrigation in an attempt to conserve water supply in Nairobi” (“Kenya” 2283). But then this is only after the World Bank suspended the water supply because they (Kenya government) exploited the funds.

Similar to the World Bank even the Germans took their aid away when it was passed to the Kenyan government. The Germans only gave to the famine victims through a charitable organization, not when it was controlled by the government (“Kenya” 2283). They too knew how corrupt the government was and didn’t trust them. In the memoir Barcott states that NGO’s were spending money on themselves not on Kibera, living luxurious lives (60). President Moi one of the richest men in Africa (“Kenya”) was after all living in a mansion right outside the slum (Barcott). While it’s normal for an elected president to live well and have nice things, I don’t think he and the NGO members should have such a luxurious lifestyle when their country is suffering severe drought, famine and a plummeting economy. Where were they getting the money from? Does he deserve so much wealth? In addition, the drought affected the power industry (“Kenya 2283”) so the economy is in a deeper hole than it already was.

Did President Daniel arap Moi help to better his country’s economy and living conditions? My research shows that President Moi is the reason for his country’s economic failure and poor living conditions for his people. The president before Moi left the country as a prosperous nation. Moi left the country in a major economic crisis with thousands homeless and famished. Some say Moi left the country in a dark age, and I concur with them. He and other members of the government took money from aid around the world to benefit themselves. He also created the violence against different ethnic group to remain in office. Eventually he tried to help the country but it was too late, the country was far too corrupt for outsiders to help.

The good news in all of this is the president after Moi, Kibaki, started leading the country in the right path, focusing on rebuilding the economy and on education (Närman). He believed every kid should have free access to education. He took the power away from the corrupted party Moi was part of.

WORKS CITED
Barcott, Rye. It Happened on the Way to War. New York: Bloomsbury, 2011. Print.
Crawfurd, Jacob. “Kenya Timeline.” The Crawfurd.dk. 1996-2011. Web. 7 Sept. 2011.
“Kenya.” The Europa World Year Book 2001. 42nd ed. Vol. 2. N.p.: Europa, 2001. 2283. Print.
“KENYA: Focus on Clashes in Kibera Slum.” IRIN Humanitarian News and Analysis. IRIN, 2011. Web. 6 Sept. 2011.
Närman, Anders. “Elections in Kenya – What Now?” Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Göteborg “U”, Sweden, n.d. Web. 7 Sept. 2011
Ponce, Phil. “A Kenyan Controversy” transcript from PBS News hour. 5 Jan. 1998. Web. 7 Sept. 2011

Peter Belmore

- coming soon

James Campbell: Democracy in Kenya

Democracy in Kenya by James Campbell
Governments are the most important aspects of a country. The better your country is governed, the better the citizen can live. Some countries are governed by greedy politicians that steal money from people. Why do Politian’s continue to not cooperate and what is the political system? Sometimes the power of the head of the state is limited and he/she just does that “the people” expect him/her to do. Just like the United States, many countries have a constitution that helps them dictate how they live. Some countries have a less effective constitution or a weak one that does give the head of the state a lot of power. In other cases, the constitution is vague enough that men in power can take advantage of it. In most cases the head of the state creates laws and enforces them. This is different from the United States, where congress makes rules and the judicial branch enforces the law. In this essay we will discuss the effectiveness of the Kenyan Government. (2)In the 1980’s the down turn of Kenya began with the infestation of HIV/AIDS. In 1990 life expectancy began to reverse, where many are not expected to live past 53 years and the mortality rate of children five years and younger has risen slightly. Thus providing us with information that shows how the progression of Kenya since 1990 has been failing.
Africa needs help, while we are wasting a lot of money on wasted electricity and food; many Africans don’t even have food to eat of a decent place to sleep in. (3) 70% of Kenyans live in poverty, and in the largest slum in the world most of them live in a 12f by 12 foot shack living off of less than $1.25 a day. Our actions will improve the future, both for us and Africans future. We are the future leaders of the world so when our peers need help, we should try to help out. We don’t know when we are going to need help ourselves also. Although it might be difficult, we just need to take the initiative. We have to see how the government works in order to do any contributions in Kenya.
Kenya won their independence from Great Britain on December 12, 1963, and was first headed by Jomo Kenyatta (“Kenya”). (6) “Jomo himself was an enigma.” As a product of the Church of Scotland mission he was one of the only educated Agĩkũyũ he sought to gain power in “Nairobi city – the colonial seat of power.” With the knowledge of knowing thatpower there would not be ‘limited.’ Kenya is a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the president is both head of the state and head of the government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government and the National Assembly. “The judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature. There was growing concern especially during former presidential Daniel Arap Moi’s tenure that [1978-2002] the executive was increasingly meddling with the affairs of the judiciary” (“Kenya”). (7) He used government money to make profits with italian drugs dealers and many other things. He had “multimillion pound properties in London, New York and South Africa, as well as a 10,000-hectare ranch in Australia and bank accounts containing hundreds of millions of pounds.” Here we can see that the president has much of the government power. He has power to do most things he wants to do. This now has changed to a better government. (4)
Recently the government has improved compared to bad elections before 1998. In December 2002, Kenyans held democratic and open elections, most of which were judged free and fair by international observers. (4) The 2002 elections marked an important turning point in Kenya’s democratic evolution in that power was transferred peacefully from the Kenya African Union (KANU), which had ruled the country since independence to the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC), a coalition of political parties; these show the initial step to changing the corrupt government. Holding free elections is just the way to move towards a democratic government.
In conclusion, we can see that Kenya had moved towards a more democratic form of government. This is extremely good for the citizens now because they can elect their leader, and demand change when needed.

“Kenya.” Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Web.12 Sept. 2011
(1) Wikipedia. "Kenya." Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia. 28 Sept. 2011. Web. 28 Sept. 2011.
(2) Bliss, Katherine. "Kenya: The Big Picture on Health." Google. 2011 Center for Strategic & International Studies, 12 Aug. 2011. Web. 28 Sept. 2011.
(3)Dr. Mitchell
(4) Bowen, Richard C Bowen C. "Kenya - Government." KENYA. Richard C Bowen, 1 Jan. 1996. Web. 28 Sept. 2011.
(5)http://www.google.com/search?q=diana+hacker+cite&rls=com.microsoft:en-us:IE-Address&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&sourceid=ie7&rlz=1I7ADRA_enUS446 28 sep 2011 Does not have citation
(6) Kĩriakũ, Kĩriakũ Wa. "Who Was Jomo Kenyatta?" Kasisi Facing Mt. Kenya. 8 Jan. 2009. Web. 28 Sept. 2011

(7) Rice, Xan. "The Looting of Kenya | World News | The Guardian." Latest News, Sport and Comment from the Guardian | The Guardian. World News, 30 Aug. 2007. Web. 28 Sept. 2011.